In this analysis ORJIME MOSES analyses the place of credible and peaceful elections to democratic stability and development in the country.
Democracy is believed to have a worldwide acceptance as the best form of government. However, this system of government is characterised by certain shortcomings which are either external or internal.
In Nigeria, the concept of democracy is becoming increasingly difficult to define. This is because a fundamental factor which qualifies a democracy (free and fair election) has been difficult to achieve in Nigeria. The quest for peaceful, transparent and credible polls have remained a major albatross for the country, analysts opine.
Pundits have maintained that the recurrent situation where the polity is driven into a frenzy on account of elections, does not augur well for democratic stability.
It was expected that the return of Nigeria to democratic rule would have attained a much appreciable democratic experience. On the contrary, Nigeria still wallows under the influence of ethno-religious politics, electoral violence and undue interference of state agents in the course of elections.
Since independence, the country’s democratisation process has witnessed massive electoral fraud followed by violence which has compromised the very ethics of liberal democracy in spite of several electoral reforms.
And this predicament to democratisation process in Nigeria has rather been on the increase.
The transition election from military to civilian rule in 1999, witnessed little to no violence as former President Olusegun Obasanjo was elected in office after winning massively ahead of his opponent Falae Olu of Alliance for democracy-All Peoples Party (AD-APP).
In 2003 however there were records of violence as Obasanjo sought to secure a second term.
Amid reports of massive vote rigging, there was report of violence in Benue State in places like Kwande local government, Buruku local government, Tarka local government and others parts of the states.
In the run up to the 2003 elections and after the elections, violent conflicts, involving the ruling party and other parties engaged in the struggle for power created a lot of tension. This was against the background of the crises following the adoption of Sharia Islamic law by most states in northern Nigeria, communal conflicts in North central Nigeria, the abduction of a sitting governor in Anambra state, and a couple of unsolved high profile political murders, including that of the Minister for Justice and Attorney General of the federation.
The system was also overheated by the declaration of a State of Emergency and the suspension of democratic institutions in Plateau state, and the appointment of a retired general as the sole administrator for the state by the President before seeking and obtaining the approval of the National Assembly.
The 2007 election which brought in late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua also recorded violence and rigging of elections across the country. The election was so flawed that the late president had to admit, apologised and initiated an electoral reform process. Unfortunately, Yar’Adua died throwing up an intense constitutional and political crisis.
His then Vice President, Goodluck Jonathan eventually emerged president and contested a fresh mandate in 2011 after much opposition from within his party. He won the election amid violence in opposition to his emergence. However, the failure of the then opposition platforms like ANPP, CPC, ACN, APGA, AD and the rest to form a formidable bloc handed Jonathan and this party victory.
In 2015 Jonathan contested again but lost to President Muhammadu Buhari of the APC. But before there was serious killings in the Northeast under the Islamic set called Boko Haram, in South South came Niger Delta militants, and Fulani Farmers crises all over the country but all these crises connect in one form of Politics or the other.
These predicaments have been a worrisome episode as many politicians particularly those in government, resort to the use of threat and violence to pursue their political goals.
Escalating violence in the northeast, involving heavily armed youth militia, or criminal elements and the charge by the opposition parties and human rights groups that Nigeria is gradually becoming a one party state does not help the situation.
Nigeria’s great cultural diversity, however, is not in itself the reason why consensus and national unity remains elusive. Class differences between the few rich (of all ethnicities) and the masses of the poor create an environment in which culture based competition flourishes.
Grinding poverty amidst a centralised, oil-dependent economy, combined with the centralisation of political power in the hands of the executive, exacerbate cultural differences and promote intense political competition.
This economic and political centralisation promotes a zero- sum perspective on politics that deepens the divisions among Nigerians. This makes it harder to achieve consensus on issues of common good and the nation-state aspirations for a United Nigeria.
A lecturer with the department of Sociology, University of Abuja, Dr Umar Kari, believes the crisis within political parties is a major factor for these upsets in the larger political space. He said the lack of internal party democracy and respect for party’s constitution are factors causing crisis in political parties.
In his presentation on the Concept and Institutions of Democracy during a training facilitated by the IRI Resident Programme Officer, Husna Hassan, in Bauchi, he said “In 2003, 2007 and 2011, almost all election results in this country were contested in court and this was because they were not transparent and credible. Political parties have a role to ensure that there is strict adherence to the rule of law where every member is not restricted in participating in electoral processes”, he said .
Elder statesman and Chairman , Northern Elders ’ Council, Alhaji Tanko Yakasai, who weighed on the issue said “Even before 1999 ’ s return to democracy ; when the military allowed for political associations which led to the 1993 election , the electoral process was still in order . You remember the election of the Social Democratic Party which almost brought Moshood Abiola to power , it was still largely commendable . Abiola , then a southern Muslim, captured most of the votes in the North ; unfortunately , he was not declared as the winner.
“In 1999 , Olusegun Obasanjo and Olu Falae both contested the presidential election and as southerners, each got a fair share of votes from the North .
The candidates enjoyed the support of all Nigerians and the process was fair .
Read Also:
However , when you look at the elections by late Musa Yar ’ Adua , Goodluck Jonathan and now Muhammadu Buhari , you will see that the elections were rarely a resemblance of democracy .
“This is not about whether any one likes anybody or any political party or not. What is happening in our electoral process – looking at Ekiti State election to the Osun State election – should be a serious source of concern to all Nigerians and our democracy .
Anyone who upholds democratic ideals should be genuinely worried , especially as we approach the 2019 elections.
“A new system of rigging has surfaced such that election results of some polling units are deliberately doctored so as to increase or decrease a political party ’ s chance of winning an election.
“This is not good for our electoral process and it is a bad commentary on the government of the day.
This obvious bias is a real danger signal for the electoral process as we approach the 2019 elections. My suggestion is that to outsmart these new rigging techniques , election results should be counted at the local government areas so that polling units’ results will no longer be removed or cancelled to favour any candidate.”
On his part, a lecturer in the Department of Political Science Osun State University, Prof. Bolaji Omitola, said “I can say categorically that our electoral process has improved from what it was at independence. We have improved because we have moved away from the things that used to cause problems . For example , ballot box stuffing , but the electoral umpire has solved the problem .
“There was violence on a large scale especially on election days but that has drastically reduced now. The credit should go to INEC and the judiciary on this because elections have been nullified in areas where there is a threat of violence or where it actually occurs.
“If you look at elections conducted before 2011 and 2015 , they were characterised by violence and ballot box stuffing . ‘ Ghosts’ used to vote during our elections but the innovations introduced by INEC have stopped that.
“The introduction of smart card reader has successfully tackled the issue of multiple voting because voters cannot vote more than once in an election . Any voter that tries it would be exposed by the machine because it would detect such fraudulent people . Underage voters have also been drastically tackled and substantial improvement has also been made in this area .
“The result of this is that there has been general acceptability of election results because Nigerians now know that their votes count . That was why the All Progressives Congress which was in the opposition was able to defeat the then incumbent President in the 2015 presidential election .
The improvement noticed is also echoed by international observer groups because they give reports at the end of each exercise and there has been an improvement.
“Technological devices such as smart phones have also contributed to the improvement of the electoral process because happenings at polling units and collation centres can be seen almost as they happen . People that are far away can know results of elections from each polling units immediately they are announced .
Despite the improvement noticed, there are still issues that we must successfully tackle to make the process better and one of such is vote buying.”
However, Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Mr . Kehinde Eleja, regrets that in spite of the huge sums of money that have been invested in the electoral process over the years , and the series of legislative interventions that have been brought into play with a view to ensuring that an ideal electoral process is achieved , not much has improved in practical terms.
“You see , even in 2018 , there is still the problem of inducement of voters , of compromised electoral process , the lack of trust in the electoral umpire and the ugly incidence of violence . All these things are still with us like they had always been from independence . Regrettably , we have not achieved much in terms of having a decent electoral process in the country.
“I think our politicians should play the game according to the rules. We have fine legislations as things are in the country but the attitude of politicians wanting to win elections at all cost ; I think , is the cause of our problem.
“They know there will naturally be many candidates , but in most instances , there will only be a limited number of elective offices. Like in the state , you know at a particular point, that you can only have a governor. So , what has to be done is for politicians to orientate themselves to come to terms with the reality that all of them cannot win at the same time.
“Most importantly , the electorate must take their civic responsibilities seriously by coming out to vote according to the dictates of their conscience . The electoral management body , civil society groups and other non – governmental organisations have roles to play especially in the area of public enlightenment.”
One brighter note, there seems to be a consensus that democracy is the only acceptable political alternative for the nation to achieve ethnic/national integration for equitable development. This commitment to democracy remains despite widespread frustrations that the government has yet to produce a satisfying “democracy dividend.”
Moreover, although public confidence in democracy suffered after the deeply flawed 1999 elections, inter-ethnic competition has generally not resulted in widespread calls for separation from Nigeria. Rather, elites have focused their sectional concerns toward more negotiable goals of restructuring the federation and the formulae for passing out oil profits.
The key issue of federalism has been at the heart of the struggle for consensus.
Getting this right has historically been the most difficult stumbling block to national unity/integration. Nigeria has had four constitutions since independence (1963, 1979, 1989, and 1999), reflecting on ongoing debate over the allocation of political power and government resources.
As the country marks 20 years of civil democratic rule, it has within the same period witnessed transfer of political power from civilian to civilian governments and also a paradigm shift in political power relinquishment from an incumbent ruling party (PDP) to an opposition party (APC) for the first time ever.
However, as the country wraps up this round of elections, starting from the president, senators, house reps members followed by the Governors and the state assembly elections, the onus to ensure that it helps to enrich the democratic space for broader development remains instructive, analysts opine.
